Gladstone's Response to the TUV

My friend Michael has had some fun (tinged sometimes with righteous anger) looking in different ways at some of the Traditional Unionist Voice's approach to Northern Ireland. I think this excerpt from the 7 June 1886, from William Ewart Gladstone on the Second Reading of the First Home Rule Bill* is as pertinent today as then.

Now, Sir, I want to say a word upon the subject of Irish loyalism because we are obliged to use phrases in debates of this kind which cannot be explained from time to time when using them, and it is well that there should be little understanding beforehand. When I hear the speeches of the hon. member for South Belfast (Mr. M. Johnson) - and of some other gentlemen - it always appears to me that he is under the pious conviction that loyalty is innate in the Irish Protestants and disloyalty in (a slight pause) some other persons. I do believe that he is under the impression that at all times, in all the long generations of Irish history, that has been the distinction to be drawn between Protestants and persons who are not Protestants. (An Ulster Member - 'No, No!') Is Protestant loyalism a thing that has a date and origin, or is it not? Has the hon. member and the hon. and gallant member for North Armagh (Major Saunderson) inquired what was the state of Ireland in the 18th Century with respect to loyalty. As far as regarded the great mass of the population - the Roman Catholic population - they were hardly born into political life until the close of the century, and for a long period, in the time of Dean Swift, who described their incapacity of political action as something beyond belief, it would have been absurd to speak of them as loyal or disloyal. But at the close of the century the Protestants and Roman Catholics of Ireland were described in a short passage by Mr Burke, which I shall now read to the House. The date of it is 1796, and it is taken from a letter to Mr. Windham. He speaks of the subject of disaffection.

"It" - that is to say disaffection - " has deep roots in the principles and habits of the majority among the lower and middle classes of the whole Protestant part in Ireland. The Catholics who are intermingled with them are more or less tainted. (Home Rule laughter.) In other parts of Ireland, some in Dublin only expected, the Catholics, who are in a manner the whole people, areas yet sound; but they may be provoked, as all men may easily be, out of their principles."

What does that mean? That the Protestants, not having grievances to complain of, have become loyal, but in many cases the Roman Catholics, as Mr Burke says, have been provoked, as all men easily may be, out of their principles of loyalty. And these are words , and these are ideas, which show us whaat is the way in which to promote loyalty, and what is the way in which we can destroy it.

It would therefore, seem to me that the Grand Old Man had his finger on the pulse. The TUV's response to the OFMDFM's draft Cohesion, Sharing and Integration Strategy, shows the desire to let certain traditional sections of Unionist society to have no grievances, while ignoring the needs of any group that does not fit that perceived 'norm'.

*From Great Liberal Speeches (Politicos, London 2001) Ed. Brack & Little

Fisking Some of the TUV CSI Responses

The Tradition Unionist Vote has published its response to the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister's (OFMDFM) draft Cohesion, Sharing and Integration Programme.

Here are some telling phrases with my response:

"We strongly believe that respect for the Unionist/Protestant marching tradition is a key indicator of whether or not this country is genuinely moving forward."

I'm sorry to be truly moving on this should not be the be all and end all. We have people from different countries now living in Northern Ireland. We have people of multiple-identities and indeed family that cross over previous diversities in our society. The sooner our society here in Northern Ireland reflects this the better.

"TUV objects strongly to the commitment within the CSI Programme to publish a sexual orientation strategy (1.9).

"TUV is astonished that there is not one word of recognition of the contribution which nurturing the traditional family unit can make to a cohesive society within the CSI Programme while at the same time there is a commitment to publish a sexual orientation strategy.

"It is patently obvious that there is already a more than enough legislation to protect and promote this interest group. There is no statutory justification or requirement for the proposed strategy. It is an obvious sop to the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) lobby demanded by Sinn Féin/IRA and meekly accepted by the DUP."

To call for recognition of a minority grouping, which happens to cross sectarian, racial, ability, with/without dependents lines is probably a true reflection from both the unionist and nationalist voices. To dismiss it as a 'sop' instead of seeing it as standing up even for Traditional Unionist people who are LGB or T (yes there are some in the LGBT community here) is a failure to speak out and use that voice.

As for the commitment, which the OFMDFM has said will not happen before 2012. The same department commissioned a harrowing investigation into homophobic harassment and violence in 2003 which has yet to be acted upon throughout the executive. This is a dragging of the heels that has gone on long enough. The 'commitment' is just another 'commitment to procrastinate'.

Still Talking at Hillsborough

I know a lot of eyes will be on the Queen Elizabeth exhibition centre today, but don't also lose sight of what is going on at Hillsborough. Even though the Prime Ministers Gordon Brown and Brian Cowen have left the Northern Irish politicians are still talking.

If there is no agreement made by later today the British and Irish governments have said their own proposal on policing and justice. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams said naming two controversial parade routes:

"Anybody who thinks that the price of policing and justice is a walk down the Garvaghy Road or Ardoyne is just ridiculous."

While Alliance Party leader David Ford said that the politicians were not "merely going through the motions". Of course Northern Ireland politics would be that if not for the one dissenting voice, step forward Jim Allister, Traditional Unionist Voice Leader:

"The manner in which Sinn Féin seeks to advance its agenda, not through accepting the processes within devolution, but by loading its gun to the DUP's head with every pet project, is a reminder that even if the present Stormont crisis is sorted, Sinn Féin will be back for more and more."

Of course the devolution of policing and justice powers is not merely the Sinn Féin agenda it was agreed upon in St. Andrews before the resumption of devolved powers. It would be a sign of maturity in Northern Ireland politics if such powers could be devolved. The fact that the TUV leader is still using the language and symbolism of war when others are trying to negotiate a settlement shows a lack of productivity on his part for a stable Northern Ireland.

Is that a true voice of Northern Ireland? I for one don't think so. I'm hoping that the talks are at a substantive stage where agreement may be met once they resume this morning and come to a swift conclusion.

Euro Election Reflections 3

Coming as I do from that hot bed of political oddity known as North Down I'm sure that one group of the strange North Down political landscape will be rejoicing.

From the days of Jim Kilfedder and his Ulster Popular Unionist Party (basically him), through Robert McCartney United Kingdom Unionist Party (again basically him though it did elect others to the first assembly) to now being the sole Ulster Unionist MP with Lady Sylvia Herman North Down has often stood in the face of the traditional Unionist parties of the province. Indeed the largest party on the council has at times been the Better Bangor Campaign and the NI Conservative Party. Yeah that in most parts of the UK isn't an oddity but the Conservatives have been the biggest party on North Down Council in the past.

Therefore I've no doubt that Laurence Kennedy (who actually came second to Kilfedder in the 1992 GE) and the rest of the North Down Branch will be rejoicing at the first Conservative (OK Ulster Conservatives and Unionists - New Force) elected to Parliamentary office since 1972 in Northern Ireland in Jim Nicolson.

Of course whether it is a surge in Ulster Unionist support following its merger with the Conservatives that brought about this hardly surprising election to one of Northern Ireland's three European seats ahead of the DUP remains to be seen. But estimates are putting the DUP at losing 5 of its Westminster seats on this weeks performance who to is the issue with Traditional Unionist Voice also polling well on first preferences.